David Swanson talks about U.S. Rep. Dennis Kucinich's
impeachment bill
David Swanson is the creator of
ImpeachCheney.org, co-founder of AfterDowningStreet.org and Washington
Director of Democrats.com A writer and organizer, Swanson has worked for
ACORN, the International Labor Communications Association, Dennis
Kucinich's 2004 presidential campaign and many others.
Transcript:
PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR: On
Tuesday in the House of Representatives, Dennis Kucinich tried to move his
resolution to impeach Vice President Dick Cheney in a crazy back-and-forth
of votes to table the motion, votes to send it to the judiciary committee,
with the Republicans first voting one way to table it and then changing
their minds and then voting not to table it, trying to force a debate, in
theory to embarrass the leading Democrats. In the final analysis, it came
to a vote whether to let the thing proceed or get stuck in the judiciary
committee. And only five Democrats voted with Kucinich, with all
Republicans who wanted to push this thing ahead. It was a rather confusing
and dramatic day, and to help us make sense of it is David Swanson, the
founder of the Website impeachcheney.org. So, David, what the heck
happened yesterday?
SWANSON: Well, you summed it up. The word
impeachment made its entrance on the floor of the House of
Representatives, which is news and is terrific for those of us in the
majority of Americans who want Vice President Cheney
impeached.
JAY: Now, how do you know the majority of Americans want
the vice president impeached?
SWANSON: Well, if you go to
afterdowningstreet.org/polling, you'll see all the polls on impeaching
Bush and Cheney. There have only been two ever done specifically on
Cheney, and only one of them national. It was a couple of months ago by
the American Research Group, and it found 54% said yes, impeach him, and
40% said no, don't impeach him. And there was a state poll done just
recently in Vermont. It was up to 64% for impeaching Cheney. And all of
the news coverage, even the day before yesterday, leading into this and
after the vote, very frankly said, you know, the majority of Americans
want Cheney impeached, it's very unlikely Congress will do it.
JAY: Now, in Kucinich's resolution, what reasons does he give for
impeaching Cheney?
SWANSON: Well, he gives only three of the many
dozens that could easily be made. And those three are essentially having
misled the public and the Congress about weapons of mass
destruction—
(CLIP BEGINS)
DENNIS KUCINICH, U.S. CONGRESSMAN
(D), 6 NOV 2007: The vice president actively and systematically sought to
deceive the citizens and Congress of the United States about an alleged
threat of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction.
(CLIP
ENDS)
SWANSON: —having misled the public and the Congress about
ties between Iraq and Al Qaeda—
(CLIP BEGINS)
KUCINICH: The
vice president subverted the national security interests of the United
States by setting the stage for the loss of more than 3800 United States
service members; the loss of more than a million innocent Iraqi citizens
since the United States invasion; the loss of approximately $500 billion
in war costs, which has increased our federal debt; the loss of military
readiness within the United States armed services due to over-extension,
lack of training, and lack of equipment; the loss of United States
credibility in world affairs.
(CLIP ENDS)
SWANSON: —and
having threatened an aggressive war against Iran, which is of course a
crime itself. The threat itself is a crime under the U.N. Charter, and
therefore via Article 6 of our constitution under our law.
(CLIP
BEGINS)
KUCINICH: Iran has not attacked the United States.
Therefore any threat against Iran by the United States is
illegal.
(CLIP ENDS)
JAY: There can't be much argument on
the substance. What's holding back the leadership of the Democratic Party?
Why aren't they supporting Kucinich?
SWANSON: The Democratic
leadership also wants to avoid a debate. They may have two reasons. One of
them is that, you know, they don't want to touch the subject. They're
afraid. They only play defense; they never play offense. But the other is
that they know that if this conversation starts, the case is so solid that
they will have to impeach him, and that's the last thing they want to
do.
JAY: Why? Why would that be the last thing? Wouldn't that just
embarrass the Republican Party even further? Why should that hurt the
Democrats?
SWANSON: Well, I'm with you. For 230 years, the party
that brings impeachment wins. Just in modern history, the Republicans go
for Truman. They win. The Democrats go for Nixon. They win huge. The
Democrats let Reagan go. They lose. The Republicans go for Clinton against
the will of the public and get the White House and both houses of
Congress. So you would think go for an impeachment especially when a
majority of the public is already clamoring for it as they never
were.
JAY: Maybe they've come to the conclusion that this would
simply offend people's patriotism at a time of war to go after the vice
president. One certainly hears this over and over again—you've got to be
careful, during a war, how you go after the White House.
SWANSON:
And yet this is the vice president with 11% approval; this is the vice
president with 90% of the country saying they don't approve of him in a
time of war. Right? So the public is out ahead considerably. This
president today took the record in Gallup polls for unpopularity from
Nixon. These are record unpopular president and vice president. So why
wouldn't the Democrats go against them? I think part of it is that fear of
what Fox News will call them. But a lot of it is wanting to play it safe.
They came in at the beginning of this two-year session with the idea of
keeping the occupation of Iraq and Bush and Cheney around for two years in
order to run against those three things the same as they'd done two years
before, because they won so well getting elected to deal with those
things, if they could pretend to try to deal with them for two years but
fail, they could run against them again.
JAY: There was a very
telling moment in one of the Bush-Kerry television debates where Kerry,
after months of not even mentioning Iraq, finally went after President
Bush on the Iraq war. And Bush turned to Kerry and looked him in the eye
and said, you know, you knew what I knew, and you voted for this, so how
can you come after me? And I wonder if there's some of that playing out,
that Cheney can say to them, listen, you were part of this. How can you
impeach me?
SWANSON: Well, that is a concern I'm sure that some
Congress members have about the war. Most of the Democrats voted against
it, but they're not the ones running for presidency, other than Dennis
Kucinich. But if you wanted to impeach Cheney or Bush, there are much
easier ways, right? The House Judiciary Committee passed an article of
impeachment against Nixon for refusing to comply with subpoenas. Cheney
and Bush and Condi and others have refused to comply with subpoenas—no
investigation needed, no complicity by the Congress, no dispute about it.
Impeach them both in an afternoon. Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Act—Bush openly confesses to violating it. The torture. The Congress is
not complicit in the torture. I mean, you've got dozens of impeachable
offences for Bush or Cheney or both of them that Congress is very little
or not at all complicit in.
JAY: Tell us about the Impeach
Cheney—and I think it also included Bush, at least up until recently—what
is the campaign like across the United States? What kind of support does
it have?
SWANSON: Well, we've talked about the polls, but beyond
that, the impeachment movement over the past couple of years and
increasingly in the past couple of months has more activism than almost
any other issue.
JAY: What's next? In terms of the real process in
Washington, is this done? Or is Kucinich really going to make another
move?
SWANSON: One possibility is a discharge petition: get a
majority of House members and get it out of committee. Another possibility
is to work with Conyers and with Jerrold Nadler, who chairs the relevant
subcommittee, and try to come up with a hearing on the vice president that
they will proceed with. And there's such a huge menu of choices, they
ought to be able to find one. If not, one of the three articles that
Kucinich has introduced. But for the public it continues to be to push
those eighty-six to join the twenty-two who are co-sponsoring the bill,
you know, push those twenty-two to join the five who are really willing to
take a stand when it comes to it and to speak out publicly. If we can get
Maxine Waters, who stood strong to the end, to get out with Dennis
Kucinich, and maybe Sheila Jackson Lee, and maybe Keith Ellison, some
members of the judiciary committee to push Nadler and Conyers for
hearings, and for them to push Pelosi, which it all comes down
to.
JAY: Why can't they make this thing move at that level of the
judiciary committee? And certainly Conyers [cross talk] the committee is
not some right-wing Democrat.
SWANSON: Conyers can. Conyers could
listen to the speeches he goes out and makes every week about Martin
Luther King and Frederick Douglass and people who challenged the system
and did right in the face of adversity, but he hasn't thus far. And as
recently as this weekend, he gave a speech again where, within the same
breath, he said he's for impeachment and he's against it. And it all comes
down to Nancy Pelosi. We packed John Conyers' office back in July. We went
to jail. And we had Cindy Sheehan, and Ray McGovern, and Rev. Lennox
Yearwood speak with him for hours, and it came down to Pelosi and his
unwillingness to challenge her.
JAY: We shall see how this unfolds,
and we hopefully will talk to you again soon. Thank you very much,
David.
SWANSON: Thank you. My pleasure.