Aijaz Ahmad: The main reason is the geopolitics of the
region and the global economy
Transcript:
ZAA NKWETA, PRESENTER: US
Central Command leader Admiral William Fallon resigned this week after
reportedly being at odds with a White House eager to go to war with Iran.
Observers are now debating whether Iran will be another Iraq, and if the
military option that the White House has put on the table will be put into
play.
(CLIP BEGINS)
GEORGE W. BUSH, US PRESIDENT: The
decision to remove Saddam Hussein was the right decision early in my
presidency, it is the right decision at this point in my presidency, and
it will forever be the right decision. I wish I didn't have to talk about
war. No president wants to be a war president. But when confronted with
the realities of the world, I have made the decision that now is the time
to confront, now is the time to deal with this enemy, and now is the time
to spread freedom as the great alternative to the ideology they adhere
to.
(CLIP ENDS)
AIJAZ AHMAD: Admiral Fallon, commander of
the US forces in the Middle East, has resigned, and his resignation has
been accepted with great alacrity. Were there to be a military strike
against Iran, he would be the man leading it, and yet among all the
serving high officials in the US military establishment, he is the man
best known for opposing the policy of a military option against Iran. The
force with which his resignation was sought and accepted reopens the
question: is a military strike against Iran in the offing? One should have
thought not. The US is mired in Iraq. There is at best a strategic
stalemate in Afghanistan, with advantage going to the Taliban. There are
major crises in Pakistan, Lebanon, and the occupied territories of
Palestine. The International Atomic Energy Agency has said that Iran
neither has nor has had in the near past a nuclear weapons program. The
National Intelligence Estimate inside the United States has said more or
less the same thing. And yet there may still be a possibility of a war
against Iran. A military strike against Iran before the elections of
November this year may help elect a Republican candidate by releasing all
kinds of patriotic altruistic nationalist sentiments in a war hysteria.
Even if a Democratic president comes in, whether Hillary Clinton or Barack
Obama, they would be bound by the policies already set by a military
strike of that nature. But the main reason appears to be in the
geopolitics of the region and of the global economy. Iran sits on the
second largest pool of energy resource, second only to Russia. Russia has
nuclear weapons, so not much can be done about that, but Iran has no such
weapons, and therefore it's vulnerable to military action by the United
States. After five years of occupation by the United States in Iraq, it
emerges that the main beneficiary of it has been Iran, as was demonstrated
most visibly very recently during Ahmadinejad's visit to Baghdad, the only
head of state in the world who has so far been actually invited by the
Iraqi government to visit. Unlike Bush, who goes there uninvited and
leaves without spending a night anywhere, Ahmadinejad actually spent the
night in the home of Jalal Talabani, his Kurdish counterpart, the
president of Iraq. But above all it is Iran's emerging role in the world
economy of oil and dollar which is creating the greatest problem. Chavez
and Ahmadinejad proposed in the last summit meeting of OPEC that OPEC
countries should be trading not in dollars, but in a basket of currencies.
Iran itself does not trade its oil in dollars but sells it for other
currencies, in the yen for Japan, in Euros to China, and so on. Now, in
February this year, Iran has opened a bourse in Tehran to challenge the
two major bourses, both controlled by US corporations, where the prices
are set and trading is done. For now, payments would be received only in
Irani currency, but it is projected that this bourse, unlike the ones
controlled by the United States, would accept payments in Russian ruble,
in the Chinese yuan, in Japanese yen, in various currencies of the world,
bypassing the dollar. This proposal of Iran, which would have fallen on
deaf ears some years ago, is being received with the greatest seriousness
in the Arab world. And given the precipitate decline of the dollar, they
also wish to diversify their reserves, and they're listening to the Irani,
the Russian, and the Chinese proposals about diversifying not only the
reserves, but also the medium of oil trade, which at the moment is the
dollar. This is the beginning of a process in which Iran is playing a
major role, which can spell the beginning of the decline of the US
economic power in the world. And the real hatred of Iran in fact resides
not in any nuclear issue, but in this rising power of Iran in relation to
Iraq, in relation to the region, and in relation, indeed, to the
geopolitics of oil and the dollar. We may yet see, towards the end of this
administration, a great bonfire of vanities in the form of an attack on
Iran, even though all indications are that a war on Iran, if and when it
comes, will spell, probably, the beginning of the end of US dominance on a
global scale.
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